Dhimmi Carter says he prefers to talk to the dictator of a country because he represents all the people, Carter follows by by stating that things are more difficult when he has to talk to real government such as Israel...whose government officials are a real pain in the arse...

Posted by: pulsar182 at April 26, 2008 8:09 AM

Watching modern journalist ply their whoring trade anymore makes me turn my head away and retch. It has gotten beyond tolerable. Too bad that too many still think of them as paragons of knowledge and seek them out right away for information. The last place I look for news or knowledge these days is anyplace that tells me they are fair or balanced.

Posted by: Jewel Atkins at April 26, 2008 10:17 AM

Jewel,
I totally agree about the press. Just read Elisabeth Edwards wonderful article in the NYtimes this morning. They are ignorant and proud to be so.

Posted by: eneri at April 27, 2008 9:23 AM

Well, why doesn't someone in authority here try ro explain hudna to the masses? The news just covers stuff on a daily superficial level, you can't whine and fume that they don't go into depth

Posted by: Dumbo at April 28, 2008 12:00 AM

Hugh, I've been reading your posts on this site for a while and have learned a lot from you and Mr. Spencer as well. I know a little bit about Spencer but nothing about your background. Perhaps a post on the homepage with your biography and credentials would be helpful.

This post seems to imply that you have insider knowledge of the happenings at the Camp David negotiations with Carter/Begin/Sadat, which you say you "remember quite clearly, at every twist and turn..." Were you there or were you following the issue on the news? Either way, a clarification is merited.

"And it did not start yesterday, but was or should have been obvious from his behavior at Camp David. Yet so many of those who then claimed (and claim still) to be "pro-Israel" have no idea of how obviously vicious Carter (and Brzezinski) were then, during those fantastic negotiations that I remember so clearly, at every twist and cruel turn, as they hectored and bullied and inveigled and mocked Begin's worries, and gave Saint Sadat not only what he dared to ask but made him ask for even more, and more."

Posted by: cal at April 28, 2008 10:26 AM

Hugh wrote of the bullying of Israel at Camp David.

Last year I read the following article at 'Jerusalem Post', dealing with the immediate aftermath of the Six Day War. I found it deeply disturbing because, if accurate - and I have no particular reason to think otherwise - it shows that long before Camp David, the USA came within a whisker of throwing Israel bodily to the Jihad wolves.

"On the Seventh Day.

Jerusalem Post 5/ 7/ 2007.

Yehuda Avner, author.

"An Arab sword of Damocles hung over Israel's neck in June 1967, and so perilous was its blade that foreign capitals spoke chillingly of the country's imminent slaughter.
"But then, within six amazing days, the IDF crushed army after Arab army and felt the jubilation of David with Goliath prostrate at his feet.
"Then the seventh day dawned. Soviet Russia swiftly replenished Goliath's arsenals, while David's sling lost much of its propellant thrust. France, long Israel's backer, imposed an arms embargo, and only America could redress the balance.
"It was this, above all, that drove Israeli Prime Minister Levi Eshkol to seek an urgent meeting with President Lyndon Johnson who, in January 1968, extended to him a friendly invitation to his Texas ranch.
"The talks took place in the president's den - a mixture of warm leathers, rust couches, and a low, husky oak table around which the principals and their aides sat. No two men appeared so absolutely unalike in appearance and temperament. The one was a towering Texan, vigorous, groomed, abrasive, and commanding, the other a paunchy, stooped, bespectacled, balding Jerusalemite with a wise, family-friend countenance.

"WITHOUT ADO, the prime minister bent his mind to the hub of his argument:
"The heart of my mission, Mr. President," he said, "is how to create peace in the Middle East at a time when the Syrian and Egyptian armies are being rebuilt by the Soviets at a menacing pace - so fast that the Arab leaders are contemplating renewed war."
"How fast?" asked Johnson. He was sitting at the very edge of his chair, his demeanor intense. A white dog at his feet barked and sniffed the prime minister's shoes, and the president snapped, "Quiet, Yuki! Down!"
"Egypt, Syria and Iraq have already replenished their air forces to a combined strength of 460 fighters and 47 bombers," answered Eshkol. "Egypt alone is now almost back to its prewar air strength. Moreover, the quality of their aircraft is vastly improved."
"And their ground forces, what of them?" asked the president.
"In tanks," replied the premier referring to a typed page, "the Egyptians are almost back to their prewar strength. The Egyptian navy is stronger than before, with rocket-equipped vessels. The number of ground troops is rapidly rising beyond their June 1967 strength."
"Do you see signs of an actual Russian physical presence there?"
"Certainly. Our assessment is that there are at least 2,500 Soviet military experts in Egypt today."
"OK, that's the Arab side. Now what about your side? What do you have?" The president was eyeing the prime minister unblinkingly, as if trying to track the motives behind his thoughts.
'Eshkol's response, when it came, was slow, soft, and disturbing:
"We have no more than 150 aircraft, all French, 66 of them virtually obsolete. The French are contracted to send us 50 more, but because of their boycott we won't get them. In a word, Mr. President" - their eyes met and caught - "we presently do not have the minimum means to defend ourselves."

A FLICKER crossed Johnson's brow and he exchanged glances with his advisers. "So what are you asking for exactly? Spell it out." The voice was terse and tight.

'Eshkol, knowing this was the decisive moment, adjusted his spectacles, cleared his throat, and said in a measured tone, "What I'm asking for, Mr. President, is the one aircraft that has the necessary range and versatility to enable us to face down our enemies. I'm asking for your F-4 Phantom jets."
Johnson's eyes became strangely veiled. The Phantom was America's newest state-of-the-art fighter-bomber.

'"Mr. President," pressed Eshkol, a sudden edge of desperation in his voice, "please understand, my country is extremely vulnerable. One defeat in the field can be fatal to our survival.

"What I ask of you is the minimum for our self-defense. Without those Phantoms we will be deprived of our minimum security. We need 50 Phantoms as rapidly as possible."

Johnson returned him an unreceptive look and Eshkol, really charged up now, said,
"Mr. President, last June our enemies tried to destroy us, and we defeated them all. Had we waited one more day, even one more hour, before forestalling them the outcome might have been very different. Yet I come here with no sense of boastful triumph; nor have I entered the struggle for peace in the role of victor. The only feeling I have is one of relief that we were saved from national disaster, and I thank God for that. Now, all my thoughts are turned toward winning the peace - peace with honor between equals."
"That is a noble thought," said Johnson.
"Thank you, but we need the tools to help bring that peace about. I regret to say that" - a sudden bitter irony crept into his voice - "the United States is the only source we have for those tools. Within two years our Arab neighbors will have 900-1,000 Soviet aircraft. So it's an either/or situation. Either you provide us with the arms we need, or you leave us to our fate. It's as simple as that."

And then, almost in a whisper, "Mr. President, Israel is pleading for your help."

LYNDON BAINES Johnson put the back of one beefy hand against his mouth, chewed on his knuckles contemplatively, made a tent of his hairy fingers, and said:

"I am impressed by your statement, Mr. Prime Minister. However, as you know, we are facing a difficult situation in Vietnam, calling on our resources. I suggest, therefore, you look elsewhere to find your weapons, not only here in the United States."

Eshkol threw him a cynical smile. "Please tell me where. I would be delighted to look elsewhere if you can give me an address."

"That's as may be, but I regret that your visit here is so closely tied to this matter of the Phantoms. Planes won't radically change your realities. Your big problem is how two-and-a-half million Jews [Israel's population at the time] can live in a sea of Arabs."

Secretary of state Dean Rusk, a solid and benevolent sort, chimed in to say in a reasonable and persuasive tone:
"Mr. Prime Minister, in all honesty, whatever efforts Israel makes in the field of military build-up, the Arabs will better you every time. If the Arabs see an Israel they cannot live with, one that is intolerable to them, they won't back away from an arms race. On the contrary, they will turn increasingly to the Soviets, to the detriment of the American interest. So what we would like to hear from you today is, what kind of an Israel do you want the Arabs to live with, and what kind of an Israel do you want the American people to support? The answer, surely, is not to be found in military hardware."

"These are difficult remarks you are making, Mr. Secretary," said Eshkol stonily. "All I can say to you now is that our victory in the Six Day War blocked the Soviet Union from taking over the Middle East; and that, surely, is an American interest. As for the kind of an Israel the Arabs can live with and which the American people can support, the only answer I can presently give is an Israel whose map will be different from the one of the eve of the Six Day War."

"How different?" quizzed Rusk cagily.

'ESHKOL, HIS voice brimming with sincerity, replied, "Please understand, we did not want that June war. We could have lived indefinitely within the old pre-1967 armistice lines. But now that there has been a war, we cannot return to those old, vulnerable frontiers."

Clearly not wanting a high-stress exchange to escalate into an all-out dispute, the president intervened and suggested a break.
'When the talks resumed, the president said he would like to try and get a peace process going, to which Eshkol interjected with uncharacteristic adamancy:
"Mr. President, I would love somebody here in this room to tell me when and where and how I can get a peace process going. I wouldn't be here asking for Phantoms if somebody could tell me that.
'But instead of peace we are faced with an unprecedented Arab rearmament that again threatens our very existence. The immediate issue is the means to defend ourselves against another attempted onslaught.
'Israel feels weaker now than before the Six Day War. Why? Because as you rightly said, we are a small country of two-and-a-half million Jews surrounded by a sea of Arabs. So what are we supposed to do - wait until Russia gives them so many planes that they can dictate their terms at will?"

His face had gone white. "Mr. President," he galloped on, "the State of Israel is the last chance for the Jewish people. I pray with all my heart to avoid another war. But I know of only one address to acquire the means to defend ourselves - and that address is you."

ROBERT McNAMARA, the secretary of defense, raised a finger. He was a handsome man in his early fifties, with a square chin, a fine mop of hair parted in the middle, and rimless glasses that gave him an intellectual look. There was nothing about him to suggest he was in the midst of a Vietnamese war that would prove one of the bloodiest America had ever fought.

"Having studied the evidence," he began with dispassion, "it seems clear to me that two-and-a half million Jews truly cannot withstand the whole of the Arab world, particularly if the Arabs are assisted by the Russians. Therefore, the supply of a substantial number of the most sophisticated aircraft could only increase Russian support for the Arabs. At the same time, there is no reason for Israel to say it has been abandoned. This will not occur while President Johnson is president. However, for the US to supply you with planes might greatly increase the supply of Russian planes to the Arabs. So, given these unknowns, we have to proceed with the utmost caution."

'This obscure and contradictory comment aroused the ire of General Motti Hod, commander of Israel's Air Force, who, with undisguised cynicism, countered: "The arms race, Mr. McNamara, has never been influenced by what we have in our hangers. The only limiting factor is the Arab capacity to absorb the aircraft the Soviets supply."

'And then to Johnson, "Your secretary of defense says that as long as you, Mr. President, are president, Israel will never be abandoned. Might I suggest that the one way of guaranteeing that, and of assuring that US forces will never have to come to our rescue, is by keeping our air force strong."

THE PRESIDENT suggested another brief break for consultations, after which he said in summation:

"I think we can agree on three objectives. First, there is the need to do what we can to bring about a stable peace. Second, we are all anxious to deter, if possible, an arms race. Third, the United States has a hope and a purpose of assuring, if necessary, adequate equipment to the Israel Air Force to defend itself. And in connection with this goal I suggest that the following sentence be written into our joint communiqu at the conclusion of this session."

He picked up a paper, and read: "The president agreed to keep Israel's defense capability under active and sympathetic review in light of all the relevant factors, including the shipment of military equipment by others into the area."

To this he added by way of explanation, "This statement will be helpful in deterring the Arabs, and might even push them toward restraint. It also says to the Soviets, 'Stop, look, and listen.' And it gives you something concrete, Mr. Prime Minister, to stand on."

This, in diplomatic-speak, translated into, "Yes. You'll have your Phantoms," and a deeply relieved prime minister responded, "Thank you, Mr. President. I thank you from the heart."

Lyndon B. Johnson kept his word. Historically, a profound change in the relationship between Jerusalem and Washington was set in motion. America threw in its strategic lot with Israel so that, henceforth, it would become Israel's main source of sophisticated weaponry.

This strategic alliance, for all its ups and downs, endures as a bedrock of US bipartisan support, for not only does it enable Israel to retain a qualitative edge in the face of extraordinary odds, it is the indispensable key to any process of peace in the future.
The writer was on the staff of five prime ministers, including Levi Eshkol. avner28@netvision.net.il"

Note well the attitudes of the then Secretary of State and the then Secretary of Defense.

Posted by: dumbledoresarmy at April 29, 2008 8:43 AM

"This post seems to imply that you have insider knowledge of the happenings at the Camp David negotiations with Carter/Begin/Sadat, which you say you "remember quite clearly, at every twist and turn..." Were you there or were you following the issue on the news? Either way, a clarification is merited."
-- from a posting above

No, I was not at Camp David. I followed the negotiations in the press, day by day. That was all one needed to do, to see what Carter and Brzezinski were up to. I also read the withering articles on the Camp David farce by Shmuel Katz, once a friend of Begin, who then, because of Begin's capitulation at Camp David, a highly critical enemy.

Posted by: Hugh at April 29, 2008 3:31 PM

I should add, to my posting above, that we have recently had a replay, in certain respects, of the exchange reported by Avner.

Once again, the USA has a state-of-the-art cutting-edge super-duper amazing military aircraft. Such an aircraft, were Israel to possess it, would go a long way toward assisting the projection of DARURA- 'overwhelming superiority' (just as Eshkol's request for the Phantoms, at the end of the 6 Day War, was in essence a request for the wherewithal to project Darura, even if Eshkol himself may not have known fully why that was so important).

In 1967 LBJ said Yes - though Avner's account shows just how terrifyingly close he came to being persuaded to say No, by the Secretaries of State and of Defense.

But when Israel made a similar request, just recently, under the looming shadow of a tsunami of Arabic and Farsi jihadi genocidal rhetoric and Iran's well-documented race for the Bomb, the USA (I understand this is so - I would love to have got this wrong) said...No.

No.

Curiously enough, my own newly elected PM also tried to persuade the USA to sell him a few of that same cutting-edge military aircraft (and a look at the map, and at exactly how close Australia's vulnerable northwest back yard, with our temptingly rich uranium mines and iron ore mines, is to rapidly-Islamising Indonesia, and to tiny jihad-scarred Catholic East Timor toward whom Australia feels or ought to feel a certain obligation of protection and assistance, will explain why).

Posted by: dumbledoresarmy at April 29, 2008 5:26 PM

Another magnificent, incisive expose on why we're not going to win this war - no one in a position of great authority seems to be the least bit curious to find out what drives Islam and the jihad.

Thanks, again, (words are inadequate) Hugh, to you and Robert Spencer, and Diana West, and Bat Ye'or, and Walid Shoebat, and Brigitte Gabriel and Ayan Hirsi Ali - to all of you for educating me.

I knew virtually nothing about Islam prior to 9/11, except that Yassir Arafat liked to kill as many Jews as he could, from Munich to the Achille Lauro, to the planes his minions hijacked, and on and on and on...Yet I suspected in 1972 that the next World War would pit Islam against Western Civilization. Little did I know then that the WAR had already started, hundreds of years ago.

And it was not until I began to read Diana West's works in the Jewish World Review that she steered me to JihadWatch and all the attendant works to be found herein.

Now, I know a little about the tenets and beliefs of the World of Islam - that is to say, I know a lot more than I knew prior to 9/11.

As always, best wishes to all of you (however many there may be) at JihadWatch.

Posted by: INFIDELATLARGE at May 1, 2008 11:42 AM