“Elsewhere, court documents reveal that racism may have also played a role in radicalising Khan. They cite how Khan and others discussed bombing pubs in Stoke as a response to ‘racist incidents.'”
Of course court documents “reveal” this. What they do not “reveal,” however, is why this is so. In Sunni Islamic law, defensive jihad is obligatory on every Muslim if a Muslim land is attacked. Offensive jihad can only be called by the caliph. So in the absence of a caliph, the jihad activity has to be defensive. Accordingly, it has to be ascribed to a response to some provocation by the kuffar. Then witless kuffar leaders think, “Oh, if only we stopped doing this, then the jihad would cease.” And so they embark on becoming Sharia-compliant dhimmis.
“On Saturday, as the night drew in over Stoke, local taxi driver Mirza Mahmood bemoaned the lack of prospects, and bigotry facing the city’s young British Pakistani community, particularly young men. He also knew Khan’s murderous actions would invoke fresh prejudice. He said: ‘Let me tell you, there is always more abuse, and we drivers get attacked much more every time there is an incident like this. Our children suffer, everyone suffers. The racism is much worse than it was a decade ago. It’s tense. Everyone is tense.’”
Of course. After every jihad attack, the establishment media tells us that Muslims are the real victims. And of course the British media continues its witless depiction of all opposition to jihad terror as “racism.” All this illustrates why we’re in the fix we’re in.
“‘We don’t understand how Usman Khan ended up like this,'” by Mark Townsend and Nosheen Iqbal, Guardian, November 30, 2019:
Outside a small white and green mosque in Cobridge, Stoke-on-Trent, at Zuhr prayers on Saturday lunchtime dozens of men and women in padded jackets, heavy coats and kurtas gathered in the car park, unable to squeeze into the single-storey building for the funeral taking place inside.
“One of our community elders has passed. It’s a massive death,” explained a softly-spoken man in his 20s who didn’t want to give his name. He grew up with Usman Khan, whose family live in a terraced cul-de-sac around the corner. A day earlier Khan had brought terror to central London, embarking on a knife rampage, killing Cambridge University postgraduate Jack Merritt, and an unnamed woman, and injuring three others.
As the sky darkened, the congregation in Cobridge became increasingly subdued as locals struggled to digest the news that a man who once was a neighbour had wrought such barbarism in the capital.
“We grew up on the same streets, we know every one of his brothers and sisters, his mum and dad,” said one. Another said: “We don’t understand how [Khan] ended up like this. How can you have a person who went to prison for extremism and terror, and then he’s let out and he’s got a tag on and ends up back in London to do this? How? Why?”
More than 150 miles south, in the headquarters of MI5 on the banks of the Thames, investigators are asking the same questions: how did Khan, a 28-year-old convicted terrorist who had been participating in an event showcasing the rehabilitation of inmates, manage to perpetrate such an act while out on licence? And why?…
Elsewhere, court documents reveal that racism may have also played a role in radicalising Khan. They cite how Khan and others discussed bombing pubs in Stoke as a response to “racist incidents”.
On Saturday, as the night drew in over Stoke, local taxi driver Mirza Mahmood bemoaned the lack of prospects, and bigotry facing the city’s young British Pakistani community, particularly young men. He also knew Khan’s murderous actions would invoke fresh prejudice.
He said: “Let me tell you, there is always more abuse, and we drivers get attacked much more every time there is an incident like this.
“Our children suffer, everyone suffers. The racism is much worse than it was a decade ago. It’s tense. Everyone is tense.”